This is in accord with the present stage of the development of productive forces within Tanzania and with the present international conjuncture, and such an insight gives Ujamaa its chances of success and ample scope for evolution which it would have lacked if the theory had backed the wrong class or the disintegrating capitalist social system.
Reluctance to do so in this case is probably due to the hankering after uniqueness among progressive Africans - something which occasionally leads into blind alleys, but which on the whole is essential for the liberation of the colonized. The insistence on an African identity is a worthwhile corrective not only to bourgeois cultural imperialism but also to dogmatic expositions by self-styled Marxists or Scientific Socialists.
Ujamaa was thus always focused more on egalitarianism than on class conflict, in contrast to European socialism. Invariably, socialist revolutions have their roots not only in Scientific Socialism as a body of thought but also in the formulas independently and correctly arrived at by precursors who did not use Scientific Socialism as their point of departure.
Ujamaa was increasingly discredited and blamed for economic failure and collapse within Tanzania in the s. For instance, Tanzanian political leadership does ask for the 'traditional' communal virtue of hard work, but not in a context where local exploitation and class formation is allowed to proceed unchecked and is indeed promoted by the very theorists of 'socialism'.
Christian Aid papers housed at SOAS, University of London also have interesting papers, especially those of non-state organizations involved in supporting the policy. As was the case in Tanzania, African socialism became synonymous in many cases with the rise of an administrative elite and expansion of the administrative bureaucracy over vast swathes of both economic and social policy.
Bybarely two years after Nyerere had successfully embedded Ujamaa at the heart of policy, a group within government and TANU led by Vice President Rashidi Kawawa who saw government control over policy implementation and direction as being more important than the ideology that Ujamaa had begun pushing for a more frontal, state-led approach to implementing Ujamaa.
Yet by the time the government moved toward compulsory villagization, the ideals of Ujamaa appear to have been quietly dropped as key priorities. Both feudalists and capitalists are cited by the Arusha Declaration as enemies of socialism.
The plans for new villages contained large communal farms, in addition to smaller plots allocated to individual households. For some, this shift in emphasis was the result of a crisis in food production generated by the forced resettlement of huge numbers of people, often at critical periods during the agricultural season the harvest was particularly poor, necessitating large imports 14coupled with the economic problems associated with the doubling of oil prices between and It represented the victory of one faction, led by Nyerere, over others.
During the s, questions of nationalism, sectarianism, ethnic and communal violence, and the collapse of states came to dominate academic analysis and political debates.
From the viewpoint of social theory, it is not satisfactory that writings propounded Ujamaa never indicate awareness of the universality of communal forms. But, in the light of the claim that certain intellectuals have become so enamoured of Tanzania as to relinquish their critical function, let it be clear that this is no paean of praise.
Ujamaa remained as a rhetorical commitment, but no longer drove policy or state-run social engineering. The latter is always very problematical but the first is more fundamental requiring an understanding of which classes are on the ascendant and which social systems are moribund. The first of these basic assumptions, or principles of life, I have sometimes described as 'love', but that word is so often used to imply a deep personal affection that it can give a false impression.
Yet by the time the government moved toward compulsory villagization, the ideals of Ujamaa appear to have been quietly dropped as key priorities. The Indian businessmen in East Africa were the closest representation of a locally resident bourgeoisie, and it is no accident that they were the most affected by the measures of expropriation behind the nationalisation of foreign-owned property, i.
Finally, there was the period of colonial rule which introduced capitalist exploitation of labour in every part of the continent. That is to say a member of society will be entitled to a piece of land on condition that he uses it. As with the Ujamaa-as-nationalist-project theme within the literature, the focus on Tanzanian governance and authoritarianism similarly reflects wider debates on governance, democracy, and development in and within social-science literature, and on writings about the nature of the African state that emerged especially from the s in response to the impact of so-called third-wave democratization that gathered pace throughout this decade.
Throughout andreports of violence and coercion as part of the official resettlement operations began to spread.
Society should look after him, or his widow, or his orphans. Whatever verbal affinities Ujamaa has with anti-Marxist doctrines it has placed the common struggle against capitalism and imperialism on a much higher plane. But, the contention here is that Tanzanian Ujamaa offers a radically different framework for political action on the part of the self-conscious Marxist.
Unfortunately, however, there has grown up what I can only call a 'theology of socialism' It is therefore essential to disassociate the anti-capitalist and anti-imperialist stance in Tanzania from a caption that has been pre-empted by non-revolutionary African leaders.
Until the publication of the Arusha Declaration inTanzania pursued a set of economic and social policies largely inherited from the colonial state, emphasizing Africanization, incremental change, and a focus on industrial development, rather than collectivization and nationalization of the economy and an emphasis on rural development.
As such, 'African Socialism' is generally taken to mean a set of relations which leave capitalism and imperialism unchallenged.
Above all -- and this is how it connects with Freire, Horton and others -- is that: Therefore, the comparison with Tanzanian Ujamaa is not completely analogous, since the latter is neither explicit nor all-embracing. Nationalizations of businesses, housing, small retail ventures, and health and education services, proclaimed under the logic of Ujamaa, followed over the next decade.
Such a transformation in approach appeared to be confirmed in by the Ujamaa Village and Village Act, which recognized as official village settlements those which did not prioritize communal production. Nyerere was central to debates inasmuch as he was recognized as the original architect of the ideas, principles, and growing ideology of Ujamaa that drove policy from the late s and throughout the s; but the real focus of the literature was an attempt to answer the question as to what went wrong.
In so far as contemporary theory and practice of Ujamaa in Tanzania does allow for private enterprise, this is well understood to be transitional, an entirely different concept from that of the permanent co-existence of capitalist and supposedly socialist relations within the same society, and one that has been implemented in every socialist revolution from onwards.
In this body of analysis, the presence of Nyerere has loomed larger than in other accounts, and the legacy of a principled man let down by a venal bureaucratic bourgeoisie, overzealous officials, and internal factional struggles is challenged through a focus on his own authoritarian instincts, and of that of the government he headed and led.Deconstructing Ujamaa: The Legacy of Julius Nyerere in the Quest for Social and Economic Development in Africa Bonny Ibhawoh and J.
I. Dibua* The death of Julius Nyerere, African independence leader and longtime dicta-tor of Tanzania, evoked a flood of encomiums worldwide. The praise is mis-placed. Deconstructing Ujamaa: The Legacy of Julius Nyerere in the Quest for Social and Economic Development in Africa Bonny Ibhawoh and J.
I. Dibua* The death of Julius Nyerere, African independence leader and longtime dicta-tor of Tanzania, evoked a flood of encomiums worldwide.
The praise is mis-placed. NORDISKA Ujamaa — ocialism from above Jannik Boesen Birgit Storgård Madsen Tony Moody Scandinavian Institute of African Studies, Uppsala. In these novels, villagization is a ‘conflict’ that is brought from outside and shows the failure of the government to respect one of the key principles of Ujamaa – democracy.
4 4. See also Omari “The Family in Tanzania” for analysis of Ujamaa as a ‘change planned and. Tanzania Ujamaa, limited as it is in actual achievement can substantiate the claim to be the ideology of the majority of Tanzanian producers in the countryside and the towns. In the final analysis, simple honesty is a vital ingredient in Scientific Socialism - honesty in the cause of man, the workers, and dedication to his emancipation.
In these novels, villagization is a ‘conflict’ that is brought from outside and shows the failure of the government to respect one of the key principles of Ujamaa – democracy.
4 4. See also Omari “The Family in Tanzania” for analysis of Ujamaa as a ‘change planned and introduced from outside’ ( Omari, C. K.Download